Episode 387

full
Published on:

18th Feb 2026

Worst President Ever

A few things we mentioned in this podcast:

- Trump ranked as worst president https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/feb/20/presidents-ranking-trump-biden-list?

- George W Bush the worst president ever https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/george-w-bush-the-worst-president-in-history-192899/

- The Secretary Problem https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretary_problem

For more information on Aleph Insights visit our website https://alephinsights.com or to get in touch about our podcast email podcast@alephinsights.com

Transcript
Fraser McGruer:

Hello and welcome to the Cognitive

Fraser McGruer:

Engineering Podcast, brought to you by Aleph Insights and

Fraser McGruer:

produced by me, Fraser McGruer. On this podcast, we take a look

Fraser McGruer:

at a wide range of topics, and today, we'll be asking the

Fraser McGruer:

question, Is Donald Trump the worst president ever?

Fraser McGruer:

It's been a while since I've seen you. It's very nice to see

Fraser McGruer:

you again. Here we go, right? Nick, Donald Trump, worst

Fraser McGruer:

president ever, yeah.

Nick Hare:

Well, as you know, we don't, we're not a political

Nick Hare:

podcast. We don't have an opinion about whether Donald

Nick Hare:

Trump is any good. But according to the famously unbiased source,

Nick Hare:

the guardian in 2024 mind you. So discussing his first term,

Nick Hare:

Donald Trump finished 45th and bottom of a list ranking US

Nick Hare:

presidents by greatness. And I think his list was compiled by a

Nick Hare:

bunch of, again, famously unbiased academics and people

Nick Hare:

like that. Yeah, probably from Harvard, yeah, that kind of

Nick Hare:

thing. So according to them, here's but let me tell you what

Nick Hare:

the Rolling Stone magazine said in 2006 George W Bush, the worst

Nick Hare:

president in history. Many historians are now wondering

Nick Hare:

whether Bush, in fact, will be remembered as the very worst

Nick Hare:

president in all of American history. So, and I recall, I

Nick Hare:

still remember the 80s, when I recall my parents and their

Nick Hare:

right on friends talking about Ronald Reagan and how utterly

Nick Hare:

dreadful he was compared to the great presidents of the past and

Nick Hare:

so well, the question is, how do we make sure we're not just sort

Nick Hare:

of being biassed by recent events. And, you know, how can

Nick Hare:

we tell if, if our judgement that something it seems uniquely

Nick Hare:

bad, is actually correct, but, but just before we tackle that

Nick Hare:

sort of general question, just looking at presidential ratings,

Nick Hare:

which actually is something relatively objective, in the

Nick Hare:

sense that they're just measures of you know what is? What's the

Nick Hare:

average approval rating of every president during the course of

Nick Hare:

their term? Donald Trump is, in fact, lowest, well, at least of

Nick Hare:

all presidents since the 1950s and Kate, would you like to

Nick Hare:

guess who's top? It's quite an easy one. I think Obama. No no,

Nick Hare:

it's going to be Obama's mid, mid range, Roosevelt, Abraham

Nick Hare:

Lincoln, no, is since the fifth, oh, sorry, since the 50s. Oh,

Nick Hare:

Abraham Lincoln, then not those 50s. Since the 50s. I think this

Nick Hare:

is quite easy, if you think about probably it's somewhere

Nick Hare:

never got a chance, really. Yeah, Kennedy's at the top by a

Nick Hare:

long, long shout, and then it's Dwight Eisenhower, remarkably,

Nick Hare:

George H W Bush, I suspect, yeah, and so, but so according

Nick Hare:

to that right, according just looking at the ratings, average

Nick Hare:

ratings for their term, and sorry, was that Trump did come

Nick Hare:

lower. Sorry, did you say that's average approval ratings during

Nick Hare:

Yeah, so in other words, you said, average out their approval

Nick Hare:

throughout their term, and and just looking at that number,

Nick Hare:

Trump's at the bottom, and Kennedy is very much at the top,

Nick Hare:

bit of an outliner outlier. So, so there we are. So it is. Can

Nick Hare:

we therefore conclude that Donald Trump is indeed going to

Nick Hare:

go down in history as the worst president ever.

Fraser McGruer:

Okay, so I mean, one of the things I think of,

Fraser McGruer:

first of all, is how useful are ratings in terms of an actual

Fraser McGruer:

judgement, because opinions change about people over time.

Fraser McGruer:

That's the first sort of thing that I think of. But anyway,

Fraser McGruer:

it's not me answering this, it's you guys. So where do we start

Fraser McGruer:

with this? Chris, what are your thoughts? What have

Chris Wragg:

you got on this? Well, I think there's a specific

Chris Wragg:

issue with with Donald Trump, and the perception of Donald

Chris Wragg:

Trump, which is one of the reasons why Donald Trump is

Chris Wragg:

viewed as a bad president. And that's really like if you look

Chris Wragg:

at his phraseology, it's kind of at the level of a a playground

Chris Wragg:

child. His eloquence is very low, and I think that's what a

Chris Wragg:

lot of people would say they talk about the weave, and is

Chris Wragg:

really him being pretty inarticulate and and not trying

Chris Wragg:

to hide that fact. And I think so for a lot of people, I think

Chris Wragg:

there's this sort of connection, maybe a dubious connection,

Chris Wragg:

between eloquence and intelligence and ability to

Chris Wragg:

lead, and I think Donald Trump is uniquely bad at that,

Chris Wragg:

whereas, if you look at his antithesis, somebody like Obama,

Chris Wragg:

exactly, Obama was highly eloquent and viewed by lots of

Chris Wragg:

the intelligentsia as Being an excellent president. So I think

Chris Wragg:

this, there's this conflation going on between ability to

Chris Wragg:

articulate oneself and ability to preside.

Fraser McGruer:

Yeah, I think there's an interesting thing

Fraser McGruer:

there about, you know, can intelligent, clever people be

Fraser McGruer:

wrong? Unthinkable.

Nick Hare:

Yeah. And well, and also it does. How much does that

Nick Hare:

actually matter when you're being a president? Because the

Nick Hare:

thing is, I think what people miss, well, particularly kind

Nick Hare:

of, you know, anti, anti Trump, people miss, is that, yeah, he

Nick Hare:

isn't very eloquent, but he's very good at kind of reading the

Nick Hare:

room. I mean, there's something quite impressive about him, and

Nick Hare:

the way that he, he kind of manages a crowd. And, you know,

Nick Hare:

I'm not saying any of that is conscious. I mean, I suspect

Nick Hare:

it's just a sort of accident or something that he has learned to

Nick Hare:

do, but he's good at something when it comes to well, and if

Nick Hare:

you look at his what it isn't is, is spinning an excellent off

Nick Hare:

the cuff phrase. I mean, you can't really imagine him

Nick Hare:

delivering a speech

Chris Wragg:

and about his sort of his debate performance in the

Chris Wragg:

original set of primaries and then against Hillary Clinton,

Chris Wragg:

when he was, you know, elected for his first term. There, there

Chris Wragg:

are some very sort of famous asides that he, that he makes,

Chris Wragg:

that are considered to be kind of quick, quick with but they

Chris Wragg:

are. They are not. They're not high Brower sides, you know,

Chris Wragg:

they're,

Nick Hare:

they're and, I mean, that's all of a piece with him,

Nick Hare:

and his appeal in general, yeah, is what you'd expect. Yeah,

Nick Hare:

yeah. And I think, you know, there's something Republican

Nick Hare:

presidents are supposed to be hokey, you know, they're

Nick Hare:

supposed to be kind of common, the common man, I know, yeah,

Nick Hare:

that's sort of so you get your you know, Bush was the same,

Nick Hare:

Reagan was the same. You know, they're not meant to come out

Nick Hare:

with intellectual things that sound like you're a history

Nick Hare:

professor from Harvard. That's the job of Democrat presidents,

Nick Hare:

isn't it? So that's right, but, but anyway, I mean, look, I

Nick Hare:

think, I think the problem we really want to talk about is,

Nick Hare:

how do we know how much of that is our immediate investment in

Nick Hare:

the kind of low recent local political situation? So how much

Nick Hare:

of the reaction that people have to Trump and their judgement

Nick Hare:

that he's the worst president ever, how much of that is is

Nick Hare:

based on some on a kind of objective judgement of the kind

Nick Hare:

that you might be able to have about a 19th century president,

Nick Hare:

and how much of it is merely recency, you know, that's,

Nick Hare:

that's, that's really the question I think we want to look

Nick Hare:

at because, you know, this is, this crops up all the time,

Nick Hare:

right? You this common pattern of, I come along and say that

Nick Hare:

here is something that's kind of uniquely bad and terrible and

Nick Hare:

needs to be dealt with. And then, you know, the flip side of

Nick Hare:

that argument is, well, people have said that in the past. It's

Nick Hare:

what they said about George W Bush, what they said about

Nick Hare:

Reagan, you know, or I come along and say, Look, you know,

Nick Hare:

global warming is going to destroy the world. And you go,

Nick Hare:

Well, that's what they said about acid rain and global

Nick Hare:

cooling and the population. Why should we listen Yeah, why

Nick Hare:

should we listen to you? And so we have this, this common

Nick Hare:

pattern that you get of this is uniquely bad and terrible, and

Nick Hare:

we've got to do something about it versus but uniquely bad and

Nick Hare:

terrible things, according to people like you, happen all the

Nick Hare:

time. So one side is saying, you know, you're being alarmist, and

Nick Hare:

the other side is saying you're being complacent. And how do we

Nick Hare:

make sure? Because you know people are wrong. Intelligent

Nick Hare:

people are wrong. You know, you think of like the Yeah, Paul

Nick Hare:

Ehrlich's Population Bomb, 1968 well now you know. And now, of

Nick Hare:

course, everyone's being alarmist about population

Nick Hare:

collapse. So how do we, how do we know whether we should be

Nick Hare:

scared of something, or whether we should say, Yes, this is

Nick Hare:

actually uniquely terrible, versus how much are we going to

Nick Hare:

go, Well, you know what? In the morning, it'll look different.

Nick Hare:

So let's say that we, that a lot of people in the US think that

Nick Hare:

Donald Trump is this kind of, you know, once in a lifetime,

Nick Hare:

threat to democracy, to democratic institutions, and you

Nick Hare:

know, he's going to impose martial law on the US. He's

Nick Hare:

going to try and run for a third term. It's going to become his

Nick Hare:

personal dictatorship. It does seem to be trying. So that's

Nick Hare:

what a lot of people perceive, you know, and well, but

Nick Hare:

obviously, you know. And so the question is, Well, should we do

Nick Hare:

something about that? How much should should we believe that

Nick Hare:

that's true? And therefore, how much should we, you know,

Nick Hare:

resist? How much effort should we put into resisting that which

Nick Hare:

is not dissimilar from, you know, this question of, well,

Nick Hare:

what do we how much effort should we put into preventing

Nick Hare:

climate change, because, you know, yeah, well, this is all

Nick Hare:

doom and gloom, but at the same time, that's what they said

Nick Hare:

about, you know, the ozone layer, and that seems to have

Nick Hare:

fixed itself, admittedly, thanks to human intervention. But, you

Nick Hare:

know, you get the idea it's like, okay, well, how do I know

Nick Hare:

how alarmed to be when it's of kind of battle between the

Nick Hare:

alarmists and the complacentists in general. Is there a general

Nick Hare:

pattern of better thought that we should use to try and solve

Nick Hare:

that problem?

Chris Wragg:

Yeah, and I think there's a, I think there's a

Chris Wragg:

second sort of factor about judgement to do with judging

Chris Wragg:

things in your own time, and that. It's not only that you you

Chris Wragg:

get these, these emotional you know, when you're judging things

Chris Wragg:

in your own time, you are affected by them, and so you

Chris Wragg:

have an emotional response to them. So it's easier to be

Chris Wragg:

objective about something that's 100 years ago than it is

Chris Wragg:

something today, right? But I think also that the second

Chris Wragg:

factor that means time is a factor when, when, sort of

Chris Wragg:

considering whether something's good or bad, is that, over the

Chris Wragg:

course of that time, what is good or bad changes according

Chris Wragg:

to, you know, cultural standards. So, you know, you

Chris Wragg:

take somebody like Washington, who you know, is still perceived

Chris Wragg:

to be a great president, obviously, but you bring in

Chris Wragg:

factors like slave ownership, or, you know, other sort of

Chris Wragg:

positions that he took that are now totally unpalatable because

Chris Wragg:

of the shift of what is considered to be, you know,

Chris Wragg:

okay, by today's standards, what's what's good by today's

Chris Wragg:

standards as a president, is partially subjective. There are

Chris Wragg:

certain things where you can say, yes, okay,

Nick Hare:

I feel like not owning slaves is probably a

Nick Hare:

right, probably something that some of the voters are going to

Nick Hare:

look for. Yeah, right, exactly,

Fraser McGruer:

which also beggars the question how the

Fraser McGruer:

Confederacy won the war right? The end of civil war, let's say

Fraser McGruer:

yeah. And let's say there were, had they won? Yeah, right. Let's

Fraser McGruer:

say that. So you ended up with two Americas. Let's say in the

Fraser McGruer:

South. I'm guessing that Abraham Lincoln would probably be

Fraser McGruer:

thought of being a bad president, probably. I think he

Fraser McGruer:

is, in some ways, some but that's what ties into this

Fraser McGruer:

thing. I'm sort of labouring the point there, really. But you

Fraser McGruer:

know, the context changes.

Chris Wragg:

Yeah, yeah. So, so I guess what I'm saying is, not,

Chris Wragg:

not only do we have to aim off for the emotional aspect of the

Chris Wragg:

near term versus the longer term in the past, there's also a

Chris Wragg:

change in values that occurs, which then, you know, you assess

Chris Wragg:

things differently.

Fraser McGruer:

So that's helps us with this sort of ratings,

Fraser McGruer:

real time ratings, as it were, that sort of helps answer that

Fraser McGruer:

sort

Nick Hare:

of question. But it also, I mean, it suggests that

Nick Hare:

it's not dissimilar to that question of like, would you, you

Nick Hare:

know, would you take a pill that changed your your preferences

Nick Hare:

and made you, you know, want to desert your family, and you run

Nick Hare:

off with a supermodel and you know. And then you actually, you

Nick Hare:

might just, you know, you might enjoy that if you took that

Nick Hare:

pill, you wouldn't, then care that you've done that, but you

Nick Hare:

now do care about that. And so like, let's say someone observes

Nick Hare:

that. Well, if we, if we leave Trump running, and he runs for

Nick Hare:

another two terms, you know, we will all start to accept that

Nick Hare:

America looks like Trump's America, and kids will grow up

Nick Hare:

and think it's normal, and people will stop caring about

Nick Hare:

they'll go, yeah, I remember when we had those annoying

Nick Hare:

democratic institutions that were slowing everything down

Nick Hare:

and, like, really getting in the way and gumming up our ability

Nick Hare:

to govern properly, you know. So you might observe that, well,

Nick Hare:

we, you know, we, we actually won't care in the future as much

Nick Hare:

as we think we care now. So perhaps that's that, you know,

Nick Hare:

that's an argument in favour of the complacency people is that,

Nick Hare:

well, you know, even though, actually, yes, us now care about

Nick Hare:

this, us in the future will just accept it well. And I suppose

Nick Hare:

you can make a similar argument. I think some economists have

Nick Hare:

made the same argument about about global warming. It's like,

Nick Hare:

well, we actually will just adapt to it. And, yeah, it'll be

Nick Hare:

a bit chaotic to begin with, but in 100 years time, you know,

Nick Hare:

it'll just be hotter, and we'll have, will have got

Peter Coghill:

used to it, yeah, we're quite growing our grapes

Peter Coghill:

in in Surrey, yeah.

Chris Wragg:

But, I mean, there's a, there's a parallel,

Chris Wragg:

I'm not a sort of Stark here, but, you know, famously terrible

Chris Wragg:

Roman leader Julius Caesar, obviously changed the foundation

Chris Wragg:

of of the Republic, you know, and subsequent to that, while

Chris Wragg:

people complained about the sort of erosion of democratic

Chris Wragg:

institutions, arguably, you know, Rome's power grew after

Chris Wragg:

that. But nobody looks back. And really, you know, when you think

Chris Wragg:

of Caesar, 90% of people don't think about what he did to Roman

Chris Wragg:

institutions. Do they close out the territory

Peter Coghill:

confident and the and this sort of the the getting

Peter Coghill:

used to the normalisation of the new bad. Kind of assumes that

Peter Coghill:

there is a continuum of bad, bad scale you can slide Exactly.

Peter Coghill:

There might be things like global warming and other and

Peter Coghill:

catastrophic, you know, not necessarily, but sort of

Peter Coghill:

systemic changes in government and things can actually be a

Peter Coghill:

sort of threshold beyond which change happens very much more

Peter Coghill:

rapidly. So it might be. That when you're plumbing the depths

Peter Coghill:

of the bottom, you sort of fall off a cliff, rather than just

Peter Coghill:

keep finding new depths of it, yeah, so it

Nick Hare:

might be that the barrel is five times deeper than

Nick Hare:

you thought.

Peter Coghill:

Yeah. You suddenly fall off a shelf down

Peter Coghill:

into a

Unknown:

cloth, a cliff, yeah, under a barrel, yeah?

Peter Coghill:

So, you know, so it might be that Trump's seeming

Peter Coghill:

efforts to dissolve the institutions of democracy, if

Peter Coghill:

he, if he succeeds, means that they can't, you can't, then

Peter Coghill:

climb back out of that anymore. And global warming gets to a

Peter Coghill:

point where the the the Gulf Stream shuts off, and we're

Peter Coghill:

stuck in a localised Ice Age in the north in North Europe,

Peter Coghill:

Northern Europe. So there's like, it's yeah, it's not.

Peter Coghill:

Things aren't continuous, yeah, in complex systems,

Fraser McGruer:

we are. So where are we with this? At the moment,

Fraser McGruer:

we've,

Nick Hare:

well, we haven't mentioned the secretary problem,

Nick Hare:

which is not dissimilar to this kind of thing, where you're

Nick Hare:

trying to form some judgement or adopt some strategy of sort of

Nick Hare:

trying to work out you don't know how good or bad things can

Nick Hare:

get, and you're trying to work out how you know good or bad.

Nick Hare:

The current situation is, say, Yeah, and you haven't you know

Nick Hare:

that you've only got a limited sample. Well the so the

Nick Hare:

secretary problem, the idea is you've got to choose a secretary

Nick Hare:

for a number of candidates. You, let's say, you know, there's

Nick Hare:

going to be 100 candidates. You're going to see them all,

Nick Hare:

one off the other, and you can tell how good they are when they

Nick Hare:

walk in and and your job is to work out, or at least, maximise

Nick Hare:

your chances of choosing the best one. And it turns out, the

Nick Hare:

strat, the optimal strategy with this is to sample. Just treat

Nick Hare:

the first 30 as a sample against which you then, you then sort of

Nick Hare:

use that as a baseline, and you then pick the next person who

Nick Hare:

walks in, who's better than the best person from that sample.

Nick Hare:

And if that doesn't happen, well, you fluffed it. But the

Nick Hare:

thing is that that strategy turns out to be mathematically

Nick Hare:

optimal, so I think the analogy here is, well, actually, you

Nick Hare:

know, we should, you we should use the past, to some extent, as

Nick Hare:

a sample, and then make our judgments based on that sample.

Fraser McGruer:

How, how do you measure, though, and how do you

Fraser McGruer:

know that what you're measuring is the right stuff?

Nick Hare:

Yeah, yeah. Well, that's the problem. You can't

Nick Hare:

really apply it to the real world, where there's no sort of

Nick Hare:

finite, it's not like there's some finite number of samples,

Nick Hare:

but you should think in terms of, well, we've got a kind of,

Nick Hare:

there's a certain amount of information we're getting, you

Nick Hare:

know, and then there's, and then there's a, you know, a certain

Nick Hare:

amount of action that we perhaps want to apply. So, you know,

Nick Hare:

there's every, everything that happens, gives you. Gives is

Nick Hare:

valuable for for information purposes. Let's put it that way.

Nick Hare:

So on one hand, you might think, well, we don't know if Trump is

Nick Hare:

uniquely bad or whether it can get worse. Let's let it run for

Nick Hare:

a bit. Let's give him another five terms, and we'll see what

Nick Hare:

happens. And then we'll have some really good information

Nick Hare:

about how bad things can get, and then we'll know what to do

Nick Hare:

next time. But obviously, at the same time, you might think,

Nick Hare:

well, well, we don't really want to pay the potential cost of

Nick Hare:

doing that like it's not worth we think this actually might be

Nick Hare:

particularly terrible, and so we are going to try and put a stop

Nick Hare:

to it now. So I'm just, I'm just saying that, you know, it is,

Nick Hare:

there is a bit of both going on, and the amount of effort you

Nick Hare:

might think, well, the amount of effort we put into stopping it.

Nick Hare:

Put in stopping him, you know, actually maybe ought to be

Nick Hare:

proportional to how bad he really is. And we don't know

Nick Hare:

actually how bad he really is, because, you know, there could

Nick Hare:

be someone a lot worse down the line. And then we'll really want

Nick Hare:

to say, No, this one really is bad, you know, the the actual

Nick Hare:

Hitler turns up, you know, and, and then you think, Well, no, we

Nick Hare:

now, we, you know, now it really is this guy makes, you know,

Nick Hare:

compared to this guy, it makes Trump look like Bush compared to

Nick Hare:

Trump. Yeah, I mean, what I mean? It makes

Fraser McGruer:

me think, sort of everyone's sitting there,

Fraser McGruer:

sort of wondering about Hitler, and going, No, this is this? Is

Fraser McGruer:

it actually, this is as bad as it gets. Maybe they were wrong.

Fraser McGruer:

Maybe there could be someone worse than Hitler. I don't know,

Chris Wragg:

but I guess the advantage of having had someone

Chris Wragg:

like Hitler, yeah, is that other countries have, like, your

Chris Wragg:

sample, and you've got a baseline of what really, really

Chris Wragg:

bad looks like.

Fraser McGruer:

That does look so bad, yeah,

Nick Hare:

yeah, something to avoid. Yeah, it's good. So he

Nick Hare:

did us a favour, really. I mean, he was the sort of the sort of

Nick Hare:

bad secretary, yeah. And now we well, but in a sense that's

Nick Hare:

true, right? I mean, in a sense it is true that is useful to

Nick Hare:

have this historical comparison. I mean, at the time we stopped

Nick Hare:

Hitler right at Munich, if we'd have actually deterred him from

Nick Hare:

doing it, there could well have been a worse Hitler, because we

Nick Hare:

wouldn't have had Hitler. We would have had all the same

Nick Hare:

technology as we've got, you know, today, but we wouldn't

Nick Hare:

have had a Hitler to kind of switch on our, you know, Hitler

Nick Hare:

detection algorithm.

Peter Coghill:

Because, I think, you know, certainly anecdotally

Peter Coghill:

sending out. At the time, there was disbelief in in France,

Peter Coghill:

Germany, sorry, France, UK and America, about the activities,

Peter Coghill:

the sort of the genocidal activities of Stalin and Hitler

Peter Coghill:

that like, surely, nobody would actually ever do that, but only

Peter Coghill:

when presented with hard evidence. So they go, my God,

Peter Coghill:

these people are sorry.

Fraser McGruer:

So we're saying Stalin was bad as well, right?

Fraser McGruer:

Stalin was, I thought they were on opposite sides, therefore he

Fraser McGruer:

wasn't great.

Nick Hare:

I got to rethink this whole stuff. Yeah. So, so I

Nick Hare:

think, and I think that is true in general, in terms of actually

Nick Hare:

being able to get people to do things, a prediction isn't often

Nick Hare:

enough. So, I mean, you know that, as I said, like, I don't

Nick Hare:

think it's reasonable to have expected us to declare war on

Nick Hare:

Hitler after he invaded Czechoslovakia, for example,

Nick Hare:

like we wouldn't have had the support for it. It would have

Nick Hare:

looked like, you know, the UK was being the aggressive one.

Nick Hare:

You know, people were able to make excuses, and then it's

Nick Hare:

like, even after Poland, well, there's still kind of a sense

Nick Hare:

of, it's not really our business, you know, but you but

Nick Hare:

you can't. There's some point at which you can't act before it's

Nick Hare:

got worse, because people won't believe that it's not too bad,

Nick Hare:

just until it does exactly. Yeah, I wonder as well. It just

Nick Hare:

feels like a very perennial

Chris Wragg:

problem, yeah, but there's so the question of

Chris Wragg:

whether or not something can get worse, whether or not leaders

Chris Wragg:

can get worse, and what the theoretical minimum quality

Chris Wragg:

worst is, the absolute worst president is, and where, where

Chris Wragg:

the current President sits on that, that scale is one thing.

Chris Wragg:

So you know, you can say, right? Well, let's assume the best

Chris Wragg:

president is here and the worst president is here,

Chris Wragg:

theoretically. And you know Trump's about in the middle,

Chris Wragg:

right of the of the full scale of presidential terribleness,

Chris Wragg:

badiosity. Your badiosity? Exactly. That's interesting. But

Chris Wragg:

you might decide there's some level at which you don't want to

Chris Wragg:

go below anyway, regardless of how much further there is to go.

Chris Wragg:

You know, it might be like you set, you know, a height, like

Chris Wragg:

they used to have height limits for the police, for example, you

Chris Wragg:

know, you've got to be over five foot 10 to be in the police. We

Chris Wragg:

know there's people a lot shorter than that, but, you

Chris Wragg:

know, that's where we're drawing our line for this, this quality.

Chris Wragg:

You've got a rubber rugby tackle, a six foot four, right?

Chris Wragg:

Robber, exactly. Yeah, you can't be three foot four. No, no. So,

Chris Wragg:

so, yeah. So I So, I think that the point is is not, how much

Chris Wragg:

worse could it get, but what is an acceptable standard to

Chris Wragg:

perform this role?

Nick Hare:

Yeah, and, and, I mean, I get, I suppose part of

Nick Hare:

the problem is that we form our view about what the distribution

Nick Hare:

of standards should be based on historical experience, right? So

Nick Hare:

we, we don't, we don't really come free with a kind of sense

Nick Hare:

of, Well, that's the absolute line in the sand. I mean, as you

Nick Hare:

said, you know the debate about slavery, which these days we

Nick Hare:

would consider to be very much you know, the line of where what

Nick Hare:

was acceptable in 1850 is absolutely miles away from the

Nick Hare:

discourse about what's acceptable now, right? But at

Nick Hare:

the time, you know, as far as they were concerned, actually,

Nick Hare:

there were kind of all these positions in between which kind

Nick Hare:

of involved actually owning slaves being okay, yeah. And so

Nick Hare:

how do we know? I mean, the idea, then, that you might get

Nick Hare:

to a situation where it was owning slaves was as

Nick Hare:

preposterous as we think it is, would have seemed ridiculous

Nick Hare:

then. So, you know, we we might think, well, we've got our

Nick Hare:

sliding scale of badness, and you know, Trump is skating at

Nick Hare:

just where that line is. But who knows, another 100 years, we

Nick Hare:

might look back and go, God, I wish we could get Trump back.

Nick Hare:

That guy was amazing, yeah, you know.

Peter Coghill:

Or things might, things might generally improve,

Peter Coghill:

such that we think drum is a lot worse than we currently think he

Peter Coghill:

is. Yeah, a

Fraser McGruer:

couple of things, yeah. We actually need

Fraser McGruer:

to sort of draw us to a conclusion reasonably soon. But

Fraser McGruer:

this sort of feels, I don't know if you're familiar with the

Fraser McGruer:

concept. This is something called the Aleph and and it sort

Fraser McGruer:

of this feels surprisingly familiar to other sort of things

Fraser McGruer:

that we've talked about, like, how do we know when change is

Fraser McGruer:

happening, for example, but I just wanted to sort of make that

Fraser McGruer:

observation, we do found, yeah, is quite profound. Thank you.

Fraser McGruer:

Now we do need to sort of move towards a conclusion. What do we

Fraser McGruer:

got? What do you want to finish off?

Nick Hare:

I've got a well, I've got a number. Okay, so is Trump?

Nick Hare:

Is Trump? Like, well, just we've only got average approval

Nick Hare:

ratings for his first term. And as I said, of all the

Nick Hare:

presidential terms since the 50s, that he is the lowest 41.1

Fraser McGruer:

right, just to check. So when we say average,

Fraser McGruer:

is it taking average over that term, but across all sorts of

Fraser McGruer:

different kind of points? Calling sources and,

Nick Hare:

okay, sorry, no, it's Gallup. So Assistant survey that

Nick Hare:

they would, I, I would guess that, you know, every month or

Nick Hare:

something, throughout the throughout the you know that the

Nick Hare:

term they are then just taking the average, because, of course,

Nick Hare:

it always starts out high and falls Yeah. So, you know, there

Nick Hare:

are other measures you could look at, like approval after a

Nick Hare:

certain amount of time or whatever. But this is quite

Nick Hare:

it'll do, is what I'm saying. And if you is kind of, they're

Nick Hare:

roughly, they're not, but not far off a kind of normal

Nick Hare:

distribution. And if you take, if you assume it's a normal

Nick Hare:

distribution, and that each time we draw a presidential approval

Nick Hare:

rating from this distribution, Trump is sort of roughly at the

Nick Hare:

10% point right? So 41.1 as an approval rating is, is, sort of

Nick Hare:

cuts, is above about 10% of presidents. You could, you could

Nick Hare:

have, if so, if that's true, it means that he's one in a 40 year

Nick Hare:

level of badness. Okay, yeah. So basically, you know, in other

Nick Hare:

words, every 10 presidents, you get one as bad or worse than

Nick Hare:

Trump, purely, and by bad or worse I mean purely in terms of

Nick Hare:

average approval, right? And in fact, lo and behold, if you look

Nick Hare:

at the his approval at the beginning of this term, 2025 it

Nick Hare:

was actually higher than his approval at the beginning of

Nick Hare:

2016

Chris Wragg:

Ryan, believe that. And I think this is a sort of

Chris Wragg:

key factor in in that that form of measurement of average

Chris Wragg:

approval rating over the term, if you take somebody like Joe

Chris Wragg:

Biden, actually the second lowest, right, okay, so, but I

Chris Wragg:

would imagine that at the point at which it was apparent that

Chris Wragg:

he, you know, he had sort of advanced dementia, or whatever,

Chris Wragg:

that his, his, you know that that sort of six or 12 month

Chris Wragg:

period towards the end of his presidency, I can only imagine

Chris Wragg:

his approval ratings were, were very low at that point and and

Chris Wragg:

that he was deemed, you know, if you're a terrible president for

Chris Wragg:

let's say you start A nuclear war, or you're or like Nixon,

Chris Wragg:

yeah, you know, you eat one lousy foot. They call you a

Chris Wragg:

cannibal, right? Exactly at that point. You may have been

Chris Wragg:

perfectly mediocre throughout the rest of your presidency, but

Chris Wragg:

if you do one really terrible thing, right, in the last you

Chris Wragg:

know, the dog days of your your incumbency, you could be the

Chris Wragg:

worst, the worst president, yeah.

Nick Hare:

I mean, I think if you if, if you imagine having a

Nick Hare:

president who actually has dementia for one quarter of his

Nick Hare:

term, I think you might say, well, you know, that's not

Nick Hare:

great, yeah. That's not what we kind of ideally would have,

Nick Hare:

yeah. So, you know, I think it seems for that period, they were

Nick Hare:

the worst president, well, ever been? Yeah, yeah.

Fraser McGruer:

Possibly, I got a question finish off, but just

Fraser McGruer:

before we do, it makes me wonder, like, if you were living

Fraser McGruer:

in an autocracy that you know I you would still be having these

Fraser McGruer:

same debates. Let's say if you were allowed to right, which you

Fraser McGruer:

wouldn't. But let's say you're in the People's Republic of

Fraser McGruer:

China. Wouldn't publish them. Yeah, you wouldn't publish them.

Fraser McGruer:

You wouldn't talk to them about it. You huddle quietly in a cup

Fraser McGruer:

and talk about it, but you'd still be talking about leaders

Fraser McGruer:

that are better or worse than others. Yeah, I don't know.

Chris Wragg:

It's because, and of course, approval rating in

Chris Wragg:

that context is less important. It's not like approval doesn't

Chris Wragg:

count in autocracies, because, you know, revolutions topple

Chris Wragg:

them, yeah, you get killed exactly, but, but it is less

Chris Wragg:

immediate. And, you know, actually approval is, is, is

Chris Wragg:

quite a fickle thing, right? And so that's why, perhaps the

Chris Wragg:

retrospective judgement about presidents is different, because

Chris Wragg:

you actually can then look at things like what their record

Chris Wragg:

was, what did they achieve? You know, large infrastructure

Chris Wragg:

projects that might be massively unpopular at the time suddenly

Chris Wragg:

turned out to have been a really good idea. I mean,

Fraser McGruer:

it makes me think that I wonder if it will

Fraser McGruer:

always be the case that people be looking at stuff and

Fraser McGruer:

wondering, Is that good or bad?

Unknown:

Well, there's something to that's, you know, to chew on.

Unknown:

I'll let

Fraser McGruer:

you, you know, let that one sit with you. I've

Fraser McGruer:

got a question. I want to keep it on you, as presidents,

Fraser McGruer:

actually, and I was wondering if there are some precedents which

Fraser McGruer:

are kind of more or less universally viewed as being bad,

Fraser McGruer:

not good. But are there any of those presidents that you've got

Fraser McGruer:

kind of a sneaking regard for? You think, actually, there was

Fraser McGruer:

bits and pieces they did. I rather like about them. So

Fraser McGruer:

Peter, go for

Peter Coghill:

it, yeah. So Richard Nixon wasn't very well

Peter Coghill:

liked. Did some bad things. Wasn't pretty popular, but was,

Peter Coghill:

yeah, it was that. Middle of the table, turns out, in middle of

Peter Coghill:

the table. But yeah, he Yeah. Famously, was impeached for

Peter Coghill:

trying to rig the election, which is a bit of a no, a bit of

Peter Coghill:

a no go area in the United States. Well, he resigned in the

Peter Coghill:

end there, he did, yeah, yeah, but did some pretty decent

Peter Coghill:

things. So he ended the Vietnam war,

Unknown:

peace with honour. Yeah, Vietnam. He, he

Peter Coghill:

opened relations with China. Debatable.

Fraser McGruer:

China thing is very Yeah, go, yeah, quite

Peter Coghill:

a big deal. So paved the way for globalisation

Peter Coghill:

in the last part of the 20th century, which has uplifted the

Peter Coghill:

standards of life for many, many around the world, environmental

Peter Coghill:

protection, civil rights, Native American self determination and

Peter Coghill:

lowering the voting age plus space exploration, the

Peter Coghill:

continuing the Apollo missions throughout his tenure. Yeah.

Peter Coghill:

Okay, so some big things

Unknown:

good old Nixon.

Chris Wragg:

I also, what I also really like about Nixon is that

Chris Wragg:

he had a chip on his shoulder, and that he railed against the

Chris Wragg:

sort of liberal intellectualism, and he hated that sort of clique

Chris Wragg:

of ivy league, sort of Kennedy type, right? Exactly. So

Chris Wragg:

personality wise, I'm much more on his side as a bit of an

Chris Wragg:

outsider, not a not a terribly naturally popular man. I

Chris Wragg:

thought, yeah,

Fraser McGruer:

yeah, no, absolutely. I think that's some

Fraser McGruer:

good points there.

Nick Hare:

Chris Nick, well, I I'd like to put in a word for

Nick Hare:

LBJ, you still mind go, yeah. Keep going, yeah. Well, he

Nick Hare:

mainly because he was obsessed with his balls. I'm not

Nick Hare:

interested in the he was always going on. It was apparently used

Nick Hare:

to ring up his tailor and moan about the fact that his

Nick Hare:

testicles weren't sitting comfortably, and like, where,

Nick Hare:

where his knob should be, and stuff. But he used to get,

Nick Hare:

apparently used to get his genitals out, to to sort of

Nick Hare:

deliberately intimidate people and things. I mean, I just feel

Nick Hare:

like that's not I feel like, if

Chris Wragg:

Donald's not used enough, I feel like,

Nick Hare:

if Donald Trump did that in a way, nobody would be,

Nick Hare:

nobody would be. I actually think it would raise an eyebrow,

Nick Hare:

even if Donald, like Donald Trump, has done incredibly

Nick Hare:

outrageous things, I still think he got his, he got his genitals

Nick Hare:

out. It would make the news.

Fraser McGruer:

I think you're probably right. Yes, I wonder if

Fraser McGruer:

it made the news at the time

Unknown:

with LBJ, though I doubt it was no biography, yeah,

Unknown:

yeah, yeah.

Fraser McGruer:

We've done everyone. We have done Chris.

Fraser McGruer:

Oh, sorry. Chris,

Chris Wragg:

yeah, well, Nixon would have been my shout. But I

Chris Wragg:

also have a, have a strong, sort of soft spot for George W Bush.

Chris Wragg:

I think he was just an extreme, like in terms of presidents that

Chris Wragg:

actually do what they think needs to be, needs to be done.

Chris Wragg:

You know, act on the basis of integrity. I felt he did.

Chris Wragg:

Whether he got things right or not is another matter, but I

Chris Wragg:

felt like he's one of the few presidents you can look back on

Chris Wragg:

that didn't feel like a bit of a shyster. And he also did a lot

Chris Wragg:

in terms of tackling HIV and AIDS in, you know, across Sub

Chris Wragg:

Saharan Africa. So, I think, and he came up with the that

Chris Wragg:

immortal line, didn't he about the problem with the French, as

Chris Wragg:

they have no word for entrepreneur, which I think is,

Chris Wragg:

is just such a brilliant quote.

Chris Wragg:

So,

Fraser McGruer:

so George W Bush, yeah, no. Good shout. Good

Fraser McGruer:

shout, yeah, I shan't bother because LBJ was mine for the

Fraser McGruer:

same reasons. Yeah. All right, lovely. Let's stop there. You've

Fraser McGruer:

been listening to the cognitive engineering podcast, brought to

Fraser McGruer:

you by Aleph insights and produced by me, Fraser McGruer.

Fraser McGruer:

If you haven't already, please like and subscribe. We try to

Fraser McGruer:

release an episode every week or two. If there are any topics

Fraser McGruer:

you'd like us to cover, please do get in touch via email. You

Fraser McGruer:

can find out more about Aleph Insights at Alephinsights.com

Fraser McGruer:

thanks as always for listening until next time. Goodbye.

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Cognitive Engineering
Welcome to the Cognitive Engineering podcast.
Welcome to the Cognitive Engineering podcast. Occasionally coherent musings of Aleph Insights. We hope you like listening to them as much as we like recording them...

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Fraser McGruer